On the battlefield, it takes some time for the drone to capture the image and then arrive at the operator’s screen. This is called “latency”. The video should be sent from Pakistan, Yemen, Syria, Iraq, Somalia and Afghanistan to US bases. Or, it takes a lot of time to cover, and by the time it’s delivered, the operator’s analysis has become an artifact, a snapshot from the past.
Many changes may have been made on the ground during the image transfer. (Think of postcards, not emails.) The drone may have crashed and crumpled in a fiery mountain before the operator became wise. Or maybe the child got lost in the blast radius of the cruise missile. The situation is not always clear before the operator pulls the trigger, but the operator still pulls the trigger. He always does. He is trained as part of the “Kill Chain”.
If you look for a clear image of the number of casualties in the American drone war, the realization of the image, if any, will be similarly slow. The United States has avoided getting caught up in what General Norman Schwarzkov once called the “body count business.” “It’s ridiculous to do that,” he ridiculed and dismissed the idea that his army had to chase the dead. This happens to be a requirement of the Geneva Convention. It was in 1991, when the United States had just dropped its first bomb on Iraq.
However, the road to criticism in the Middle East of the United States does not begin in the 1990s, but by the early 20th century it was highly resistant to high-flying sorties, explosive weapons, and bloodshed. Empire forces have long sought to bomb and submit their unmanageable subjects, but it was Italy in 1911 that first investigated the possibility of airstrikes to force obedience. Spain, France and Britain soon followed and feared to dominate their rivals. Airstrikes will be routine within 10 years.
European powers initially developed strategic bombing as a shortcut to waging war in order to quell the rebellion with minimal effort and spending. Their justification was straightforward and clinical. In the ground war, soldiers died and there was a risk that civilians would protest against increasing the number of victims. The aerial battle avoided that risk.And Europeans suffered from this technique during World War II, which revealed what the region was.ʼColonial forces have long known that indiscriminate bombing is terrorism. Modern war architects show no sign of abandoning airstrikes.
On January 23, 2009, three days after his inauguration, Barack Obama approved his first drone strike (which was targeted by Pakistan) and accelerated his predecessor’s super-legal assassination program. (In October of the same year, he won the Nobel Peace Prize for applause at the Oslo City Hall.) The former Constitutional professor did not have time to guarantee a “quick and public” trial in the Constitution before meeting. Eliminate capital penalties for what is considered a “high value” goal. Instead, he and an unnamed ghost executive of the US government played judges, juries, and executioners.
Today’s military planners love drones because of what they are, not what they are, that is, ground invasion. But what about human targets?
For those exposed to the American drone war, the threat of violence is widespread in everyday life. The catastrophe clings to them like a shadow, and nothing is too sacred or mediocre to escape it. In 20111A 16-year-old American citizen was attacked by a CIA drone while barbecuing with a friend in Yemen. In 2013, Yemen turned into a major funeral after an American drone dropped four Hellfire missiles on a roaring man during a wedding procession just outside Lada. Then there are survivors who have carved out their lives in the smoldering rubble — either too poor or too stubborn to leave. Hundreds of thousands of survivors have lost their limbs due to drones, with hope for the future. In Syria alone, experts believe that as the country’s civil war prolongs, 30,000 people become disabled (for some reason) each month.
Honoring the dead is to rescue them from oblivion, count them, and drive away those who rob them. Scholars at Brown University’s War Costs Project are an interdisciplinary company that calculates fallout for humans after 9/11 in the United States, and estimates that about 900,000 people have been killed. More than 350,000 were civilians, close to 40 percent. And that goes without saying the 38 million people who are estimated to have been banished from the war. Pakistan has nearly 67,000 deaths. Of these, about 24,000 are civilians.
Have people exposed to the American drone war looked up at the sky and fantasies?
“I don’t like the blue sky anymore,” 13-year-old Zubairur Rehman told Congress in 2013. A US drone strike on Pakistan killed his grandmother the previous year. She “was the string that tied our family …. not a radical, but my mother,” Zubail’s father, Raffic, testified. Zveil watched her shattered. “The drone emerged from the deep blue sky, the color of the sky most beloved by her grandmother,” Zveil said. Now she has left and is buried somewhere underground. For Zveil and his family, she is definitely alive, but she is only memorable. Her spirit echoes in her empty space left by her and is not completely oblivious.
However, the rhythm of the universe of the universe continues. The sun keeps shining, the earth keeps spinning, and the drone keeps bombing from the blue sky above. “In fact, I like the gray sky right now,” continued Zveil. When the sky is gray, the drone doesn’t fly. “